Monday 16 November 2015

ருத்ராக்ஷம்

ருத்ராக்ஷம்
1)அஸ்வினி கேது நவ முகம்
(Alpha, Beta - Aries)
2)பரணி சுக்ரன் ஷண் முகம்
(No 28,29,41 Taurus)
3)கார்த்திகை சூர்யன் ஏக முகம் அல்லது த்வாதசமுகம்
(Pleiades)
4)ரோஹிணி சந்திரன் த்வி முகம்
(Aldebaran Hyades,
Alpha, Theta, Gama,
Delta and Epsilon
Taurus)
5)மிருகசீரிஷம் செவ்வாய் த்ரி முகம்
(Lambda, Phi 1, Phi 2, Orion)
6)திருவாதிரை ராகு அஷ்ட முகம்
(Betelgeaux - Alpha Orion)
7)புனர் பூசம் ப்ருஹஸ்பதி பஞ்ச முகம்
(Castor, Pollux with Procyon Alpha, Beta, Gemini-Alpha Canis Minor respectively)
8)பூசம் சனி சப்த முகம்
(Gama, Delta and Theta of Cancer)
9) ஆயில்யம் புதன் சதுர் முகம்
(Delta, Epsilon, Eta, Rho and Zeta Hydra)
10) மகம் கேது நவ முகம்
(Alpha, Ela, Gama, Zeta My and Epsilon Leonis)
11)பூரம் சுக்ரன் ஷண் முகம்
(Delta and Theta Leo)
12)உத்தரம் சூர்யன் ஏக முகம் அல்லது த்வாதச முகம்
( Beta and 93 Leo)
13)ஹஸ்தம் சந்திரன் த்வி முகம்
(Delta, Gama, Eta, Virgo)
14)சித்திரை செவ்வாய் த்ரி முகம்
(Spica, Alpha Virgo)
15)ஸ்வாதி ராகு அஷ்ட முகம்
(Arcturus - Alpha Bootes)
16)விசாகம் ப்ருஹஸ்பதி பஞ்சமுகம்
( Alpha, Beta etc Libra)
17)அனுஷம் சனி சப்த முகம்
(Beta, Delta, Pi -Scorpia)
18)கேட்டை புதன் சதுர் முகம்
( Antares Alpha, Sigma Tau Scorpio)
19)மூலம் கேது நவ முகம்
(Scorpio, tail stars)
20)பூராடம் சுக்ரன் ஷண் முகம்
(Delta and Epsilon Sagittarius)
21)உத்திராடம் சூர்யன் ஏக முகம் அல்லது த்வாதச முகம்
(Zeta and Omicron Sagittarius)
22)திருவோணம் சந்திரன் த்வி முகம்
(Altair - Alpha Aquila)
23)அவிட்டம் செவ்வாய் த்ரி முகம்
(Delphinus)
25)சதயம் ராகு அஷ்ட முகம்
(Lambda Aquarius)
25)பூரட்டாதி சனி பஞ்ச முகம்
(Alpha and Beta Pegasus)
26)உத்திரட்டாதி சனி சப்த முகம்
(Gama Pagasus and Alpha Andromeda)
27)ரேவதி புதன் சதுர்முகம்
(Zeta Piscum)
இந்த நட்சத்திரங்களெல்லாம் உண்மையிலேயே இருக்கின்றனவா, இருக்கின்றன என்றால் எங்கே உள்ளன என்ற கேள்வி அனைவர் மனதிலும் எழும்.
மேலே கண்ட பட்டியலில் அடைப்புக்குறிக்குள் ஆங்கிலத்தில் மேலை நாட்டில் வானவியல் ரீதியாக குறிப்பிடப்படும் நட்சத்திரப் பெயர்கள் தரப்பட்டுள்ளன.
இவை தாம் நமது நட்சத்திரங்களுக்கு சரியான அறிவியல் ரீதியிலான மேலை நாட்டு வானவியல் பெயர்கள்.
By
K. Jagadeesh
Psychologist and International Author
Mobile:+91-9841121780, 9543187772EmaiL: jagadeeshkri@gmail.commy boooksWeb:
Web:http://www.bookbyte.com/searchresults.aspx?type=books&author=jagadeesh+krishnanWeb;http://issuu.com/home/publicationsWeb:
Web:
Web:
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The West Has Lost the Will to Live


Please read this and send it around. Nothing will change until we change our philosophy and ideas and educate everyone in our sphere of influence.
We cannot allow the left to maintain this choke-hold on power through passivity.
The West Has Lost the Will to Live
The most basic, primitive honor a nation owes to its dead is to fight to defend itself—to defeat the enemy and win. And yet the West won’t.
The West is hanging on by a thread and doesn’t even know it. We are living off the fumes of the accomplishments of our forefathers and those who fought and died in the cause of freedom and individual rights. But the thread is wearing thin. Time is just about running out.
After the murderous jihad attacks in Paris comes the predictable Western response: not resolute self-defense, but weepy candlelight vigils, protestations of unity, and hashtags. After the jihad attacks in Garland, Texas, Chattanooga, the University of California Merced, and scores of arrests of American Muslims working for ISIS (the FBI has 900 ISIS-related investigations currently ongoing), our top priority should be to crush the enemy.
Instead, we get pathos and pitiful memes. NBC reported: “Paris residents were using the hashtag #PorteOuverte — French for ‘open door’—on Twitter to offer safe haven to strangers stranded after a string of deadly attacks Friday night.” Everyone is congratulating himself over this hashtag. “Twitter users in other countries,” NBC added, “also began using the hashtag to share their delight that social media was being used for a good cause”—colossal stupidity.
“Share their delight?” This delight is misplaced. I would expect nothing less than that Parisians should offer safe haven: just because savages are at war with us doesn’t mean that we should be less human.
This hashtag is just the latest in an endless stream of manifestations of the sophomoric, embarrassing, preening self-indulgence that is endemic in our sick culture. It is reminiscent of “Boston Strong”: Really? How? After the Boston Marathon jihad bombings, the media and Boston elites refused to call the attack jihad. The Boston city government refused repeatedly to run our American Freedom Defense Initiative (AFDI) counter-jihad ads, but run vicious Jew-hatred ads regularly. We are en route to the Supreme Court compelling Boston to run our ads. What’s strong about Boston? What stand did Boston take against jihad?
Equally revolting is the Eiffel Tower peace symbol that is circulating around. Do the leftists think the ISIS jihadis will see this and lay down their arms? If the Christians and Yazidis in Syria make the peace sign, will all be well? If the kidnapped schoolgirls—now sex slaves—make the peace sign, will they be freed? Such idiocy is an affront to every freedom-loving human being.
The endless patting ourselves on the back that citizens of Western countries engage in after a mass slaughter by jihadists is disgusting. People are crowing about hashtags and blood donations as if this is somehow new. Of course we care. We always care. That is our value system, that is a Western value. The United States of America is the most charitable nation on earth. That is who we are—although when Obama speaks about universal values, G-d only knows which ones he is talking about: those of the West or those of Sharia.
What no one is talking about is taking on these savages. That is what is so morally depraved about our response. The idea that we’re not allowed to take the appropriate measures to defeat the Islamic State is obscene. The idea that the United States of America cannot defeat the Islamic State or al-Qaeda is absurd, and the whole world knows it. But we choose not to use our strength. We choose to be victims. It’s shameful.
And clearly, since everybody knows that we are not physically weak, where is the basic dignity that any nation should have, to stand up for its own values? If nothing else, when we find ourselves involved in a war, we should fight it and finish it. You either win or you will be defeated.
Obama has aligned with the jihad force. In Syria, Egypt and Libya, and worst of all, now Iraq. He has blood on his hands. He has the blood of hundreds of thousands of Christians, the blood of our soldiers. By abandoning Iraq, he takes on his hands the death of every soldier who gave life and limb in Iraq to defend this country. Whether you agreed with the Iraq war or not, we did it. We went in and asked the native population to help us. You cannot just withdraw and abandon those people.
Is it proper for us to defend ourselves and to take the appropriate action to defend this country? Of course. One of Obama’s historic crimes is that he allowed our superiority to deteriorate. But that doesn’t mean our enemies have disappeared, or that we cannot or should not defend ourselves against them. Just hours after Obama insisted that he had contained the “Junior Varsity team” ISIS, they laid siege to Paris. And this goes unchallenged.
When Muslims attack, the left attacks us. MSNBC, the Guardian, and Salon all ran pieces blaming the “right-wing” for the Paris attacks. Outrageous, but not surprising. The enemedia is aligned with the jihad force. As the jihad heats up in the West, the media is becoming more clumsy and desperate in its attempts to deflect attention away from the jihad and back to its favorite bogeyman, “right-wing extremists.” Now, even when the evidence of Islamic jihad responsibility is everywhere, as it is with the Paris attacks, “journalists” still find ways to put the blame on the “right-wing” that they hate far more than they do bloodthirsty jihadis, whom they don’t dislike at all.
If you have an ounce of self-esteem, when someone comes at you with a gun, you answer with force. If he is out to destroy you, you owe it to yourself to defend yourself. We need to understand that the left is as dangerous, if not more so, than the suicide bomber, for obscuring this basic fact—because leftists have the legitimacy of the mainstream, the imprimatur of respectability, and they wield this spurious legitimacy like a club to destroy all opposition to their totalitarianism.
We need to go to war against the left. We have to get that into our heads. We have to accept that terrible reality. They want to destroy our freedom. They want to destroy our country. They want to steal our children. That’s war. There is no one on the right who has the correct philosophy about this. The left demands the right to lie, and they are lying to the American people on a massive scale, even to the extent of making people think there is something wrong with loving and defending our nation.
The idea that the Paris attacks happened on the eve of a global conference not on the gravest threat to freedom, not on the global jihad, but on climate change, speaks to how unreal and sick we are as rational beings. Even worse, as if that weren’t bad enough, you have a presidential candidate saying that climate change is responsible for terrorism. And the very serious talking heads in the mainstream media are reporting this with a straight face.
The fact is, global jihadists, whether they’re ISIS or al-Qaeda or Hamas or Hezbollah, are monstrous aggressors. We don’t have to wait for the first sign that they are attacking; they have declared war against us. They must be destroyed. We can’t complain about what we should or shouldn’t be doing, we have to correct it. This idea of containment, as Obama claimed the other day to have “contained” ISIS, is absurd—an intermediate state.
There is no intermediate state. It’s either/or. This is war. We have to fight it

.By
K. Jagadeesh
Psychologist and International Author
Mobile:+91-9841121780, 9543187772EmaiL: jagadeeshkri@gmail.commy boooksWeb:
Web:http://www.bookbyte.com/searchresults.aspx?type=books&author=jagadeesh+krishnanWeb;http://issuu.com/home/publicationsWeb:
Web:
Web:
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Saturday 14 November 2015

63 நாயன்மார் வரலாற்று சுருக்கம்

63 நாயன்மார் வரலாற்று சுருக்கம்
1. திருநீலகண்ட நாயனார்/Tiru Neelakanta Nayanar(கூடா நட்பின் விளைவால், மனைவியை இளம் வயது முதல் தீண்டக் கூடாது, முதுமைகாலத்தில், மனைவியாருடன் கோல் பிடித்து, குளத்தில் முழுகி, சிவ பெருமான்அருளால் இளமை
பெற்றார்.)
2.இயற்பகை நாயனார்/Iyarpahai Nayanarசிவனடியாராக வந்த சிவனிடம், தன்னுடைய மனைவியை , முழுநம்பிகையுடன் அனுப்பியவர்.
3.இளையான்குடிமாற நாயனார்/Ilayankudi Mara Nayanarநடு இரவில், சிவனாடியார் வேடத்தில் வந்த சிவபிரானுக்காக, நெல் அறுத்தவர்.தன்னுடைய , வீட்டுக் கூரையையும் விறகாக ஆக்கி, சிவனடியாருக்கு உணவு தந்தவர்.
4.மெய்ப்பொருளார்/Maiporul Nayanarதன்னுடைய பகைவன், பொலி சிவவேடம் பூண்டு தன்னைக் கொன்றான்.
இருப்பினும், சாகும்தறுவாயிலும், சிவவேடத்திற்கு மரியாதைத் தந்து, பகைவனின் உயிரைக் காப்பாற்றியவர்
5.விறல்மிண்டர்/Viralminda Nayanarசிவ பகதர்களை வணங்காத காரணத்தினால், சுந்தர நாயனாரைக் கடிந்து ஏசியவர்.
6.அமர்நீதியார்/Amaraneedi Nayanarசிவனடியாராக வந்த சிவனின் கோவணம் தொலைந்துப் போக, ஈடாக , தன்னுடைய சொத்தையும்,குடும்பத்தையும் ஈடாகத் தந்தவர்
7.எறிபத்தர்/Eripatha Nayanarசிவபக்தரின் பூஜைக்குரிய
பூவை எறிந்த மன்னனின் யானையைக் கொன்றவர். பின், தவறுசெய்ததாக எண்ணிய மன்னன், சிவபக்தன் என்று உணர்ந்தவுடன், தன் கழுத்தை வெட்டத்துணிந்தவர்.
8.ஏனாதிநாதர்/Enadinatha Nayanarகொல்ல வந்த பகைவனின் நெற்றியில் திருநீறு இருந்ததையறிந்து, பகைவனைக்கொல்லாமல், தான் உயிர் இழந்தவர்.
9.கண்ணப்பர்/Kannappa Nayanarபக்தியில், சிவனுக்காக, இரு கண்களையும் தோண்டி எடுத்தவர். அன்புப் பெருக்கால்,மாமிசத்தையும்
நெய்வைத்தியமாய் இறைவருக்குப் படைத்தவர்.
10.குங்கிவியக்கலயர்/Kungiliya Kalaya Nayanarசாய்ந்த லிங்கத்தை, தான் கழுத்தில் கயிறு கட்டி இழுத்தவர். வறுமையில்வாடினாலும், மனைவி கொடுத்த தாலியை விற்று, உணவு வாங்காமல், சிவ பூஜைக்காகதூபம் ஏற்றியவர்.
11.மானக்கஞ்சறார்/Manakanchara Nayanarமறுநாள், தன் மகளுக்குக் கல்யாணம் என்றாலும், சிவனடியார் கேட்க, மகளின் அழகியகூந்தலை வெட்டியவர்.
12.அரிவாட்டாயர்/Arivattaya
Nayanarசிவபூஜைக்குரிய பொருட்கள் கீழே விழுந்ததால், மாறாக, தன்னுடைய கழுத்தை வெட்டத்துணிந்தவர்.
13.ஆனாயர்/Anaya Nayanarபுல்லாங்குழல் ஓசையில், சிவ பக்தியை வெளிப்படுத்தியவர்.
14.மூர்த்தி/Murthi Nayanarசந்தனக் கட்டைகள் கிடைக்காது, தன்னுடைய முழங்கையைக் கல்லில் தேய்த்தவர்.நாடாளும் பொறுப்பு வந்தாலும், திருநீறு, உருத்திராக்கம், சடைமுடியைத் தன்னுடையசின்னமாகக் கொண்டவர்
15.முருகர்/MurugaNayanarவழிபாட்டுக்கு உரிய காலத்திற்கு ஏற்ப எம்பெருமானுக்குப்ப பூமாலையாம், பாமாலைசாத்தி அர்ச்சனை புரிவார். இடைவிடாமல் இறைவனுடைய பஞ்சாட்சர மந்திரத்தைஓதிக்கொண்டேயிருப்பார்.
16.உருத்திரபசுபதி/Rudra Pasupathi Nayanarகழுத்தளவு நீரில், பகல் இரவு பாராமல், ருத்ரம் ஓதியவர்.
17.திருநாளைப்போவார்( நந்தனார்)/Tiru Nalai Povar Nayanarதாழ்ந்த குலமென்பதால், கோயிலில் நுழையாமல் வெளி நின்று சிவனை
வணங்குவார். தன்தரிசனத்தை மறைத்த நந்தியை நகரச் செய்தவர். சிதம்பரம் திருத்தலம் போக வெகு ஆவல்கொண்டவர்.
18.திருக்குறிப்புத் தொண்டர்/Tiru Kurippu Thonda Nayanarசிவபிரான் வேடமிட்ட சிவனின் அழுக்குத் துணியைத் துவைத்தவர். ஆனால், குறித்தநேரத்தில் தன் பணியைச் செய்ய இயலாததால், தன் தலையைக் கல்லில் மோதியவர்.
19.சண்டேசுர நாயனார்/Chandesvara Nayanarசிவலிங்கத்திற்கு பால் அபிடேகம் செய்தவர்.
பாற்குடத்தைக் காலால் உடைத்ததந்தையின் காலை வெட்டியவர்.
20.திருநாவுக்கரசர் சுவாமிகள்/Tiru-Navukkarasar Nayanarதேவாரம் பாடி, உழவாரப் பணியில் ஈடுபட்டு சிவன் அருளைச் சிறப்பித்தவர். பற்பலஅற்புதங்கள் மூலம், சிவனருளைக் கண்முன் காட்டியவர்.
21.குலச்சிறையார்/Kulacchirai Nayanarபாண்டிய நாட்டின் அமைச்சராக இருந்து சைவத்தைக் காத்தவர்.
22.பெருமிழலைக் குறும்பர்/Perumizhalai Kurumba Nayanarசுந்தரருடன் கயிலை
சென்றவர்.
23.பேயார் [ காரைக்கால் அம்மையார்]/Karaikal Ammaiyarஇறைவனின் அருளால் , கணவருக்காக மாம்பழம் வரவழைத்தாள். பின், இறைவனே துடிக்க,பேய் வடிவம் எடுத்தவர். சிவபெருமானால் அம்மையே என்று அன்புடன் அழைக்கப்பெற்றவர். அறுபத்து மூவருள் அமரும் பாக்கியம் பெற்ற ஒரே அம்மையார்.
24.அப்பூதி அடிகள்/Appuddi Nayanarதிருநாவுக்கரசரின் பெயரில் பற்பல தொண்டுகள் புரிந்தவர். தன் மகன் பாம்பால்கடியுண்ட
போதிலும், திருநாவுக்கரசரின் உணவு உபசரிப்பு பாதிக்கப்படடக்கூடாதுஎன்ற அச்சத்தால், இறந்த மகனை மறைத்துவைத்தவர். பின், இறந்த மகன், சிவன்அருளால் உயிர் பெற்றான்.
25.திருநீலநக்கர்/Tiruneelanakka Nayanarதிருச்சாத்தமங்கை அவயந்தி ஆலயத்தில், சிவலிங்கத்தின் மீது உள்ள சிலந்தியை ஊதியமனைவியை கடிந்து ஏசியவர்.
26.நமிநந்தி அடிகள்/Nami Nandi Adigalதண்ணீரால் விளக்கு ஏற்றியவர்
27.திருஞானசம்பந்தர்/Tiru
Jnana Sambandarஞானக் குழந்தை. பல அற்புதங்கள் செய்தவர். பார்வதி அம்மையிடம் ஞானப்பால் உண்டபேறு பெற்றவர். அப்பர் பெருமானால் மிகவும் போற்றப் பட்டவர். சமணர்களைவென்று சைவம் தழைக்கச் செய்தவர்.
28.ஏயர்கோன் கலிக்காமர்/Eyarkon Kalikama Nayanarஇறைவனை, தூதுதவராய் அனுப்பிய சுந்தர நாயனாரிடம் கடிந்து பேசியதால், சூலைநொய்பெற்றார். பின், சிவன் அருளால், நோய் நீக்கப்பட்டது.
29.திருமூலர்/Tiru Mula
Nayanarதிருமந்திரம் பாடியவர். நந்தி எம்பெருமானின் மாணாக்கர். சித்தர்.
30.தண்டி அடிகள்/Dandi Adigal Nayanarகண் குருடாக இருந்தாலும், சமுதாய நோக்கம் கொண்டு, குளம் தோண்டியவர். சிவஅருளால், கண் பார்வை மீண்டும் பெற்றவர்.
31.மூர்க்கர்/Murkha Nayanarசூதாடி, வரும் வருமானத்தில் சிவ பூஜை நடத்தியவர்
32.சோமாசிமாறர்/Somasira Nayanarநிறைய யாகம் நடத்தி, சிவ பூஜை செய்தவர். சுந்தரரின் நண்பர்.
33.சாக்கியர்/Sakkiya
Nayanarஅன்பால், சிவ லிங்கத்தின் மீது கல் எறிந்து வழிபட்டவர்.
34.சிறப்புலி/Sirappuli Nayanarசிவ பூஜையைத் தவறாமல் செய்தவர்.
35.சிறுத்தொண்டர்/Siruthonda Nayanarபைரவ அடியாராய் வந்த சிவனுக்காக, தன் மகனையே வெட்டி கறி சமைக்கத் துணிந்தவர்.
36.சேரமான் பெருமாள்/ Cheraman Perumal Nayanarசுந்தரரின் நண்பர். சிவ பூஜையைத் தவறாமல் செய்தவர்.
37.கணநாதர்/Gananatha Nayanarசிவ பூஜையை அதிக பக்தியுடன் செய்வார்.
38.கூற்றுவர்/Kootruva Nayanarநாடாள
முடிசூட விரும்பியவர். ஆனால், வாய்ப்புக் கிடைக்காததால், தன்சிந்தையில், சிவனே முடி சூட்டி தந்ததாக எண்ணியவர்.
39.புகழ்ச்சோழர்/Pugal Chola Nayanarஎறிபத்தர், தவறு செய்த யானையை கொன்றுவித்தார் என்று அறிந்து, சிவனை நினைத்து,தன் உயிரை விட நினைத்த மன்னர்.
40.நரசிங்க முனையரையர்/Narasinga Muniyaraiyarசுந்தரமூர்த்தி நாயனாரை வளர்த்தவர்.
41.அதிபத்தர்/Adipattha Nayanarவலையில் கிடைக்கும் முதல் மீனை சிவனை
நினைத்து, ஆற்றில் விடுபவர். அன்று, ஒருபொன் மீன் கிடைத்தாலும், சிவனுக்காக ஆற்றில் விட்டு விட்டார்.
42.கலிக்கம்பர்/Kalikamba Nayanarமுன்பு வேலைக்காரனாக இருந்தவன் சிவனடியாராய் வந்திட, உபசரிக்க மறுத்தமனைவியின் கையை வெட்டியவர்.
43.கலியர்/Kalia Nayanarவறுமையில், தன் மனைவியே விற்று விளக்கு ஏற்றினார். எண்ணெய் வாங்கக் காசுஇல்லாத சமயத்தில், தன் இரத்தத்தால், விளக்கு ஏற்றியவர்.
44.சத்தி/Satti Nayanarசிவனைப் பற்றி தவறாக பேசியவரின் நாக்கை அறுத்தவர்.
45.ஐயடிகள் காடவர்கோன்/Aiyadigal Kadavarkon Nayanarமன்னன் பதவியை விட்டு, திருத்தல யாத்திரை மேற்கொண்டவர்.
46.கணம்புல்லர்/Kanampulla Nayanarவிளக்கு ஏற்றுவதற்குத் தடை ஏற்பட்டதால், தன் தலைமுடியைக் கொண்டு விளக்குஏற்றியவர்
47.காரி/Kari Nayanarகாரிக்கோவை என்ற நூல் இயற்றி, வரும் வருமானத்தில் சிவாலயங்களை அமைத்தார்.
48.நின்றசீர் நெடுமாறனார்/Ninra Seer Nedumara
Nayanarதிருஞான சம்பந்தாரால், தன்னுடைய நோயும், கூனும் நீக்கப்பெற்று, சைவத்தைவளர்க்கும் அரசராய் வாழ்ந்தவர்.
49.வாயிலார்/Vayilar Nayanarஇறைவனை எப்போதும் நினைக்கக்கூடிய தமது மனக்கோயிலில் இருத்தினார். உணர்வுஎன்னும் தூய விளக்கேற்றினார். ஒப்பில்லா அரும்பெரும் இன்பம் என்னும்திருவமுதத்தால் வழிபட்டு சிவபெருமானுடைய சேவடி நீழலை எய்தும் பேரின்ப
வாழ்வுபெற்றார்.
50.முனையடுவார்/Munaiyaduvar Nayanarஅரசருக்காகப் போர் புரிந்து, வரும் வருமானத்தில், அனைவருக்கும் உணவு அளித்தார்.
51.கழற்சிங்க நாயனார் / Kazharsinga Nayanarசிவ பூஜைக்கு உரிய மலரை முகர்ந்த மனைவியின் கையை வெட்டியவர்.
52.இடங்கழி/Idangazhi Nayanarஅரசனாய் இருந்தாலும், தன்னுடைய நெல் களஞ்சியத்தை, சிவ பூஜைக்கு வாரித் தந்தவர்.
53.செருத்துணை/Seruthunai Nayanarசிவ பூஜைக்குரிய மலரை மோந்த, கழற்சிங்க
நாயனாரின் மனைவியின் மூக்கை வெட்டியவர்.
54.புகழ்த்துணை/Pugazh Tunai Nayanarவறுமை வந்தாலும், கோயிலில் சிவ பூஜையைத் தவறாமல் செய்தவர். பின், ஊரின்பஞ்சத்தைத் தீர்க்க, பொருள் பெற்றார்.
55.கோட்புலி/Kotpuli Nayanarசிவபூஜைக்குரிய நெல்லை எடுத்த உறவினர்களின் நெல்லை அழித்தவர்.
56.பூசலார்/Pusalar Nayanarபொருள் இல்லாததால், மனத்தில் கோயில் கட்டினார். மன்னன் கட்டிய கற் கோயிலைவிட்டு, இறைவன் முதலில்
பூசலாரின் மனக்கோவிலுக்கு வருகை அளித்தார்.
57.மங்கையர்க்கரசியார்/Mangayarkarasiyarசைவத்தைப் பரப்பிய, பாண்டிய மகாராணி. நின்ற சீர் நெடுமாறனின் மனைவி. அமைச்சர் குலச்சிறையாரின் துணையுடன் ஞான சம்பந்தரை மதுரைக்கு அழைத்து சைவமதம் தழைக்கும் படி செய்த அம்மையார்.
58.நேசர்/Nesa Nayanarஎப்பொழுதும், சிவனின் நாமத்தை நினைத்தவர்.
59.கோச்செங்கட் சோழர்/Kochengat Chola Nayanarமுற்பிறவியில், சிலந்தியாய் சிவனை
வழிபட்டு, யானையால் இடர் பட்டு மன்னராய்பிறந்தார். பின், மன்னராய், நிறைய சிவ ஆலயங்களை யானை நுழைய இயலா வண்ணம்கட்டினார்.
60.திருநீலகண்ட யாழ்ப்பாணர்/Tiru Neelakanta Yazhpanarஞானசம்பந்தருடன் யாழ் இசையின் மூலம், சிவனைப் போற்றியவர்
61.சடையனார் நாயனார்/Sadaya Nayanarசுந்தரமூர்த்தி நாயனாரின் தந்தை.
62.இசைஞானியார்/Isaijnaniyarசுந்தரமூர்த்தி நாயனாரின் அன்னை.
63.சுந்தரமூர்த்திn
நாயனார்/Sundaramurthi Nayanarதேவாரம்
பாடியவர். சிவ பெருமானின் தோழர்
By
K. Jagadeesh
Psychologist and International Author
Mobile:+91-9841121780, 9543187772EmaiL: jagadeeshkri@gmail.commy boooksWeb:
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Wednesday 4 November 2015

Ban on Cow Slaughter: The Camouflage of Article 48

Ban on Cow Slaughter: The Camouflage of Article 48

By: Sandhya Ram | October 20, 2015
Beef Ban - Cartoon-min
In primary school, we had a composition book in which we wrote compositions on different topics. One such topic was ‘The Cow’. I neither remember having written anything like “Cow is my mother”, or “The cow is more than a mother to me”, nor did I write about the cow being sacred. I might have written that cow is a domestic animal; that cow gives us milk; that cow has four legs and a tail;or that cow dung is used as manure. Excuse me, I hail from the State of Kerala, where I never came across anything about cow worship, though I adored Krishna and used to admire the pictures in Amarchithrakadha where I saw pictures of the charming Krishna with his beautiful cows. It is true that I had habitually touched with respect the stone Nandi in Shiva temples, but had not given much thought to it, as I had done the same with the stone mouse at the Ganapati temple too.
The topic most debated these days is ‘the cow’. In social media, compositions are being written about ‘The Cow’ once again. When some people consider cow to be sacred and ‘ought’ to be worshiped, others don’t find any such sanctity over a cow, in spite of whether they eat beef or not. It is nothing but a matter of faith to worship anything, or believe in God or follow any particular religion. No one can impose one’s faith on others and no one can stop another from eating what he likes to eat. This is common sense in a civilized world. But there comes the dilemma of legal restrictions. Living under a state, one is legally entitled to do all that is not prohibited by law.  So what if law prohibits beef eating? Is such a law reasonable and if so on what account?
Of course I am aware of Article 48 of the Constitution of India, titled “Organisation of agriculture and animal husbandry” which mentions of prohibition of cow slaughter. I took out my Constitution Bare Act and read again: “The State shall endeavour to organise agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines and shall, in particular, take steps for preserving and improving breeds, and prohibiting the slaughter of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle.” If I had not known the judgments of the Honourable Supreme Court in Mohammed Hanif Quareshi v. State of West Bengal (AIR 1958 SC 731) and State of Gujarat v. Mirzapur Moti Kureshi Kassab Jamat(2005) 8 SCC 534, I would have ended up with a wrong interpretation of Article 48 to mean that prohibition of slaughter is only on animals (both cow and its progeny) which are useful, either as milk-giving or as draught (working) ones.
But then in 1958, Quareshi decision had made it clear that a total ban on slaughter of cows and calves (both male and female) is valid. But so far as other such animals in the progeny, such as she-buffaloes, bulls and bullocksare concerned, the ban on slaughter of animals which have ceased to be draught or milchis not in public interest and hence invalid.
Overruling Quareshi in 2005, Mirzapur decision made it explicit that an effective total ban on slaughter of cow and its progeny is valid. The reasons given were agricultural and economic and also on the finding that cow and it progeny never becomes useless, even after the cattle cease to breed, to work, or to give milk. They still continue to give dung for fuel, manure and biogas and, therefore, they cannot be said to be useless.
I wonder if the utility of the cattle dung and urine increased from 1958 (Quareshi) to 2005 when the Mirzapur judgment was delivered. Or is it that the earlier court failed to consider such a known fact? It is equally possible that the later Court over valued the utility factor to buttress the justification on total ban on slaughter. It could even be a camouflage of the religious factor super added to the utility factor. Chief Justice R.C. Lahoti had observed in his judgment that cow and its progeny, i.e., bull, bullocks and calves are worshiped by Hindus on certain auspicious days and that a good number of temples are to be found where the statue of ‘Nandi’ or ‘Bull’ is regularly worshiped. I fail to understand the need for this observation by the Court, when the parties themselves have not argued onany religious grounds or Article 25, unless judicial process was inclined towards the religious sentiments as well.
Going back to the Constituent Assembly Debates is needed to trace why prohibition of cow slaughter finds a place in the Constitution under a misleading title of organization of agriculture and animal husbandry. If the purpose is the one in the title, then why should there be an absolute ban on slaughter of cows, even when they cease to be milch and breeding. There has to be something attached to the cow which makes it protection prone than a buffalo or an ox or a bull, which are milch or draught as well. One finds it difficult to imagine that it could be religious reasons because our Constitution establishes a secular state.
I would have misunderstood that the call for slaughter prohibition in Article 48 is indeed for agriculture and animal husbandry purpose, if not for the Constituent Assembly Debates. Was I not shocked to read the debate of Pandit Thakur Bhargava appealing for ban on cow slaughter by stating that “Our ancient sages and Rishis, realising her (cow) importance, regarded her as very sacred. Here, Lord Krishna was born, who served cows so devotedly that to this day, in affection he is known as “Makhan Chor”.
Was our Constituent Assembly working on religious emotions and passion while framing the greatest document for a secular nation, assuring Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship to all its citizens?
Inline Sandhya 1-min
After reading Bhargava, Seth Govind Das turned out to be a milder surprise when he stated that,“I belong to a family which worships Lord Krishna as “Ishtadev”. I consider myself a religious minded person, and have no respect for those people of the present day society whose attitude towards religion and religious minded people is one of contempt”.
Shri R.V. Dhulekar was eloquent: “It (Justice) means that we shall be protected, our families shall be protected. Andour Hindu society, or our Indian society, has included the cow in our fold. It is just like our mother. In fact it is more than our mother. I can declare from this platform that there are thousands of persons who will not run at a man to kill that man for their mother or wife or children, but they will run at a man if that man does not want to protect the cow or wants to kill her.”
It appears that these members were keen on inclusion of the prohibition of cow slaughter clause in the Fundamental Rights. However Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was instrumental in including the provision in Directive Principles instead of in Fundamental Rights. The inclusion in Fundamental Rights would have made this provision an enforceable fundamental right, whereas its inclusion in the Directive made it a non-justiciable, nevertheless an enabling provision.  Thakur Bhargava had indeed been ‘generous’ enough to agree for the inclusion of the provision in the Directive Principles, by stating that “I do not want that due to its (Article 48) inclusion in the Fundamental Rights, non-Hindus should complain that they have been forced to accept a certain thing against their will.”
It is interesting to note that two members belonging to the Muslim community, showed great tolerance to the religious demands of the Hindu members on this matter. Syed Muhammad Sa’adulla cited an injunction to the Muslims in the Holy Quran “”La Ikraba fid Din”, which means there ought to be no compulsion in the name of religion. Therefore he expressed that he does not like to use his veto when his Hindu brethren want to place this matter in the Constitution from a religious point of view. But he stated that the Assembly come out in the open and say directly: “This is part of our religion. The cow should be protected from slaughter and therefore we want its provision either in the Fundamental Rights or in the Directive Principles.”
Mr. Z.H. Lari expressed his strong disapproval to the indirect manner in which the provision found an entry in the Constitution. According to him, the preceding portion of the clause speaking about modern and scientific agriculture and the subsequent portion banning slaughter of cattle do not fit in with each other. He made it clear that he was not opposing the provision per se, but demanded clarity in the matter. He said, “Let that article be there, but for God’s sake, postpone the discussion of the article and bring it in clear, definite and unambiguous terms so that we may know where we stand and thereafter there should be no occasion for any misunderstanding between the two communities on this issue which does not affect religion but which affects practices. Lari preferred that the clause be rather placed with clarity in Fundamental rights than in the ambiguous way in which it was put in the Directive. He submitted that “In the interests of good-will in the country and of cordial relations between the different communities this is the proper occasion when the majority should express itself clearly and definitely.”
The proposal of Bhargava was accepted and Article 48 (draft Article 38 A) was added to the Constitution on 24th November 1948. Attempts made by the Drafting Committee headed by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar to change the words of Article 48 to give it a milder effect was effectively blocked by Thakur Bhargava when the draft Constitution was taken up for approval a year later on 14th November 1949. The Drafting Committee had redrafted the Article as “The State shall endeavour to organise agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines and shall in particular, take steps for improving the breeds of milch and draught cattle including cows and calves and for prohibiting their slaughter.” The change made by the Drafting Committee was pointed out to be a substantial alteration of the provision that was agreed to by the House and therefore the original article as proposed by Bhargava was passed and Article 48 was added to the Constitution on 16th November 1949.
On 25th November 1949, a day before the Constitution was adopted by the Assembly, Mr. Frank Anthony expressed his strong views on the matter. He said that he resented the insidious way in which Article 48 had been brought in and stated, “I cannot help saying that those fanatics and extremists who could not bring in this provision through the front door have succeeded in bringing it through the back-door. Sir, I am not a beef eater; I am not holding a brief for beef eaters. I say, you may ban co-slaughter, but we should have done it honestly without our tongues in our cheeks, without resorting to methods which may give rise to the accusation of subterfuge.” This is exactly the criticism today an objective researcher would make on this matter.
I now understand that the intention of the makers in incorporating prohibition of cow slaughter in Article 48 was religious reasons predominantly, though economic reasons were projected as well. But Dr. B. R. Ambedkar saw to it that the clause was placed without any religious language. This might have been a measure of giving in to the majority in the Constituent Assembly which was inevitable on one hand and appeasing the minority on the other. However the apprehension of Mr. Z.H. Lari turned out to be true as we can see from the disputes in and out of court in respect of Article 48 and the growing religious intolerance in the country arising out of beef eating and prohibition of cow slaughter.
It seems there are two kinds of people in this world – those who eat beef and those who don’t. Categorizing people on the basis of their eating habits and determining their corresponding entitlements has a long history tainted with untouchability and social stratification. This is regressive and violative of the constitutional goals of rule of law and liberty.
Inline Sandhya 2-min
It is not to be forgotten that secularism is part of basic structure of the Constitution as has been held in S.R.Bommai v. Union of India (AIR 1994 SC 1918). If that be the case, State should not directly or indirectly enter into policy making or legislating on religious grounds whatever it may be. On the ground of ‘never-diminishing utility value of the cow’, Supreme Court had upheld complete ban on cow slaughter. It does take courage to call a spade a spade, and calling it by another name wouldn’t make it any less a spade.
There is a need to re-look at Article 48 in the light of S.R.Bommai. The beef ban and cow slaughter prohibition lawsInline Sandhya 3-min emanating from Article 48 have to be in tune with the purpose of the legislation, which cannot be a religious one per se. Any other objective should stand the test of reasonableness and constitutionality.
Citizens are to be sternly told by the government that liberty is to each to believe, to worship, to eat or not to eat. Matters of religion, like the personal laws are personal to each religion, which they may choose to abide by or not. But no one can force any of his beliefs on others. I only hope that matters of religion be sorted out in heaven, consequences be faced over there and till then let us be!  Laissez faire!!!
Epilogue: Now that I think of my school composition, I feel I should also have noted that I loved watching my grand mother’scow, Karumbi being milked. Sitting on the steps I would curiously watch the calf punching hard on its mother’s udder for milk, and the poor calf being pulled away and tied on a pole, when the milk-man would milk the cow. Achamma* would talk to her Karumbipashu**, as if to a human. But these fond memories never made me think against beef eating. I believe it is an individual choice and it remains so.
*Paternal grandmother
** A colloquial name meaning ‘black cow’
REFERENCE
Constituent Assembly Debates, Volume VII, 24th November 1948
Constituent Assembly Debates, Volume XI, 14th November 1949
Constituent Assembly Debates Volume XI, 16th November 1949
Constituent Assembly Debates, Volume XI, 25th November 1949
Mohammed HanifQuareshi v. State of West Bengal (AIR 1958 SC 731)
S.R.Bommai v. Union of India (AIR 1994 SC 1918)
State of Gujarat v. Mirzapur Moti Kureshi Kassab Jamat (2005) 8 SCC 534
Sandhya Ram LL Size-min

Sandhya Ram is an Asst. Professor at V.M.Salgaoacar College of Law, Goa

Constitutional validity of Cow Slaughter Ban in Maharashtra – a detailed analysis

Constitutional validity of Cow Slaughter Ban in Maharashtra – a detailed analysis


Maharashtra Legislature had passed the Maharashtra Animal Preservation (Amendment) Bill, 1995, in the year 1995 when the Shiv Sena – BJP ruled the state. This Bill has now been assented to by the President Shri Pranab Mukherjee after a long gap of nearly 19 years. The newly passed Bill amends the Maharashtra Animal Preservation Act of 1976 under which slaughter of cows was already prohibited in Maharashtra. With this new Amendment, the slaughter of bulls as well as bullocks (which was previously allowed based on a fit-for-slaughter certificate) will also be banned now. [Note: Copy of the new Amendment is still not available online. Therefore, I am writing this article based on the information available in media.]
Ban on slaughter of cows and its progeny
After the news of this Amendment having become law came out, mainstream media and social media have gone overboard with all types of hate messages. Many people have tried to slam the new law to be on account of the religious views of Hindus and the BJP. Many legal questions are being raised about the validity of the new law. Questions about the fundamental rights of the butchers are being raised. Questions about the rights of the beef-eaters have also been raised. Many of the comments appearing on the social media (and, unfortunately even on the mainstream media, especially in the comments sections) have gone on religious lines, targeting Hindu practices.
The objective of this article is not to reply to the hate messages on the religious lines, but to comment on the constitutional and legal validity of the new Amendment in law for the state of Maharashtra. Let me point out at the outset itself that the constitutional validity of similar laws has already been upheld by the Supreme Court and these decisions of the Supreme Court will be discussed in the ensuing paragraphs in detail.
Firstly, let me point out that there are only 7 States or Union Territories in India (out of a total of 29 States and 7 UTs), namely, Arunachal Pradesh, Kerala, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Lakshadweep, which have no law banning cow slaughter in one form or another. All other remaining 29 States and UTs have enacted laws to prevent the slaughter of cow and its progeny in one form or another.
However, various State laws banning cattle slaughter are not similar and there are many variations. The laws in Delhi, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh completely ban the slaughter of cow and its progeny, including bulls and bullocks of all ages. Laws of other States ban slaughter of cow and its progeny in varying degrees. In fact, most of these State laws prohibit the slaughter of cows of all ages. But, Assam, Tamil Nadu and West Bengal laws permit the slaughter of cows of over a particular age, as laid down in those laws. There are varying provisions in these State laws for ban on slaughter of calf, bulls and bullocks.
What I would like to say is that it is not that cow slaughter is being banned in any State for the first time. As mentioned above, as many as 29 States or Union Territories (out of a total of 36) already have laws banning slaughter of cow or its progeny. Some of these state laws even completely ban slaughter of cow and its progeny, for example the Gujarat law. Even in Maharashtra, there is already a law banning cow slaughter. However, with this new Amendment in the said law, the scope of the ban on slaughter has been extended and it appears from media reports that now even the slaughter of bulls and bullocks has also been completely banned. Therefore, the new law in Maharashtra should be seen in the context of the laws already existing in other states that ban (completely or subject to certain conditions) slaughter of cow and/or its progeny. At the outset itself, let me point out again that these laws have mostly be upheld by the Supreme Court.
Now, let me discuss, in detail, the question of legal and constitutional validity of the laws banning cow slaughter.
Firstly, Entry No. 15 in the State List in Seventh Schedule to the Constitution of India lays down as under:
“15. Preservation, protection and improvement of stock and prevention of animal diseases; veterinary training and practice.”
This means that the enactment of laws banning the slaughter of cow and its progeny is within the exclusive powers of the State legislatures. That is why various states have enacted their own laws banning cow slaughter to various degrees, and there are certain states (such as Kerala) where there is no such law. This also explains as to why there is no Central law on this subject (however, there are certain provisions in the Constitution which may still allow a Central law on a subject which is in the State List in the Seventh Schedule, under certain situations, e.g., Articles 249, 250, 252 and 253 of the Constitution).
Secondly, Article 48 of the Constitution lays down a directive principle of state policy which directs (though it is not binding and it is not enforceable) the State to prohibit cow slaughter, by providing as under:
48. Organisation of agriculture and animal husbandry.—The State shall endeavour to organise agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines and shall, in particular, take steps for preserving and improving the breeds, and prohibiting the slaughter, of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle.”
Certain other directive principles contained in the Constitution, which are relevant for this purpose, are Article 48-A and clause (g) of Article 51-A of the Constitution, which are reproduced below:
48-A. Protection and improvement of environment and safeguarding of forests and wild life.—The State shall endeavour to protect and improve the environment and to safeguard the forests and wild life of the country.”
51-A. Fundamental duties.—It shall be the duty of every citizen of India—
*** *** ***
(g) to protect and improve the natural environment including forests, lakes, rivers and wild life, and to have compassion for living creatures;”.
Therefore, it should be clear at the outset itself that the Constitution itself requires the State to enact laws to ban cow slaughter, and to protect the environment / forests / wild-life of the country. The Constitution also casts a fundamental duty on every citizen of India to have compassion for living creatures and to protect and improve environment / forests / wild-life, etc. Therefore, a law banning cow slaughter should not be considered something that is unconstitutional per se.
Let me now point out that a large number of petitions, etc., have been filed before various High Courts and the Supreme Court challenging various state laws banning cow slaughter. In fact, this issue has gone even up to a 7-judge bench of the Supreme Court, which is very rare. Therefore, the question about the validity of the laws banning cow slaughter is no longer res integra. This question has already been decided by the Supreme Court on various occasions and laws banning cow slaughter have generally been held to be constitutionally valid.
Let us analyse some of these judgments of the Supreme Court where laws banning cow slaughter were challenged.
In the case of Mohd. Hanif Quareshi v. State of Bihar, 1959 SCR 629 : AIR 1958 SC 731, which was decided by a 5-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, the challenge was to three laws banning the slaughter of certain animals, passed by the States of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. In Bihar, the Bihar Preservation and Improvement of Animals Act, 1956, was introduced which imposed a total ban on the slaughter of all categories of animals belonging to the species of bovine cattle. In Uttar Pradesh, the Uttar Pradesh Prevention of Cow Slaughter Act, 1955, was enacted which also imposed a total ban on the slaughter of cows and her progeny which included bulls, bullocks, heifers and cows. In the State of Madhya Pradesh, it was the CP and Berar Animal Preservation Act, 1949, which was amended and applied and it imposed a total ban on the slaughter of cows and female calf of a cow, while the male calf of a cow, bull, bullock, buffalo (male or female, adult or calf) could be slaughtered only on obtaining a certificate.
Following three grounds for challenging the constitutional validity of these 3 laws were discussed in the above judgment:
  1. that the total ban offended the religion of the Muslims as the sacrifice of a cow on a particular day is enjoined or sanctioned by Islam;
  2. that such ban offended the fundamental right guaranteed to the kasais (butchers) under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution and was not a reasonable and valid restriction on their right; and
  3. that a total ban was not in the interest of the general public.
The Supreme Court held as under:
  1. A total ban on the slaughter of cows of all ages and calves of cows and calves of she-buffaloes, male or female, was quite reasonable and valid and is in consonance with the directive principles laid down in Article 48;
  2. A total ban on the slaughter of she-buffaloes or breeding bulls or working bullocks (cattle as well as buffaloes) as long as they are capable of being used as milch or draught cattle was also reasonable and valid;
  3. A total ban on slaughter of she-buffaloes, bulls and bullocks (cattle or buffalo) after they ceased to be capable of yielding milk or of breeding or working as draught animals could not be supported as reasonable in the interests of the general public, and was invalid.
The above-mentioned first ground of challenge (i.e., that the total ban offended the religion of the Muslims as the sacrifice of a cow on a particular day is enjoined or sanctioned by Islam) was rejected by the Constitution bench of the Supreme Court due to the meagre materials placed before the Court and the bald allegations and denials made by the parties. It was noticed that many Muslims do not sacrifice cows on BakrI’d day. The Supreme Court further observed as under:
“It is part of the known history of India that the Moghul Emperor Babar saw the wisdom of prohibiting the slaughter of cows as and by way of religious sacrifice and directed his son Humayun to follow this example. Similarly, Emperors Akbar, Jehangir and Ahmad Shah, it is said, prohibited cow slaughter. Nawab Hyder Ali of Mysore made cow slaughter an offence punishable with the cutting of the hands of the offenders. Three of the members of the Gosamvardhan Enquiry Committee set up by the Uttar Pradesh Government in 1953 were Muslims and concurred in the unanimous recommendation for total ban on slaughter of cows. We have, however, no material on the record before us which will enable us to say, in the face of the foregoing facts, that the sacrifice of a cow on that day is an obligatory overt act for a Mussalman to exhibit his religious belief and idea. In the premises, it is not possible for us to uphold this claim of the petitioners.”
Moreover, the challenge to the constitutional validity of the said laws on the basis of the right to equality under Article 14 was also clearly rejected by the Supreme Court.
The question whether the restrictions permissible under clause (6) of Article 19 of the Constitution may extend to “total prohibition” [on the contended fundamental right of the butchers to slaughter animals of their liking or in which they were trading] was treated by Supreme Court as a vexed question and was left open without expressing any final opinion since the Supreme Court decided to concentrate on the issue as to whether the restriction was at all reasonable in the interests of the general public, irrespective of the fact whether it could be held to be partial or total.
After considering a lot of documentary evidence, the Supreme Court arrived at certain findings of fact. The court opined that cow progeny ceased to be useful as a draught cattle after a certain age and they, although useful otherwise, became a burden on the limited fodder available which, but for the so-called useless animals, would be available for consumption by milch and draught animals. The Court also noted that the response of the States in setting up gosadans (protection homes for cows and cow progeny) was very poor. On the basis of these facts, the Court concluded that in spite of there being a presumption in favour of the validity of the legislation and respect for the opinion of the legislatures as expressed by the three impugned laws, they were inclined to hold that a total ban of the nature imposed could not be supported as reasonable in the interests of the general public.
Thereafter, in another case vide Abdul Hakim Quraishi v. State of Bihar, (1961) 2 SCR 610 : AIR 1961 SC 448 : (1961) 1 Cri LJ 573, which was also decided by a 5-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court, certain amendments made to the aforesaid 3 laws in the States of Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh were challenged on the ground of Article 19(1)(g) read with Article 19(6) of the Constitution. Relying upon the aforesaid earlier decision in the case of Mohd. Hanif Quareshi v. State of Bihar, 1959 SCR 629 : AIR 1958 SC 731, it was held that the ban as imposed by the impugned Act was “total” and hence an unreasonable restriction.
Similarly, in the case of Mohd. Faruk v. State of M.P., (1969) 1 SCC 853, another 5-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court struck down a notification issued by the State Government whereby the earlier notification issued by the Jabalpur Municipality, which permitted the slaughter of bulls and bullocks along with other animals was recalled. Drawing a distinction between cases of “control” and “prohibition”, the Supreme Court held that when the exercise of a fundamental right is prohibited, the burden of proving that a total ban on the exercise of the right alone would ensure the maintenance of the general public interest lies heavily upon the State. Since the State Government failed in discharging that burden, the said notification was held struck down.
In the case of Haji Usmanbhai Hasanbhai Qureshi v. State of Gujarat, (1986) 3 SCC 12, the constitutional validity of the provisions of law amended in Gujarat banning the slaughter of bulls and bullocks below the age of 16 years was challenged. A legislation called the Bombay Animal Preservation (Gujarat Amendment) Act, 1979, which amended the Bombay Animal Preservation Act, 1954, in its application to Gujarat State, was passed by the Gujarat Assembly. By insertion of a new sub-section (1-A) in Section 5 of the said Bombay Act, slaughter of a bull and a bullock below the age of 16 years was banned by clauses (c) and (d) of the said sub-section (1-A), respectively. This amendment banning the slaughter of bulls and bullocks below the age of 16 years was challenged by the petitioners who pleaded that such a restriction on their right to carry on the trade or business in beef and allied articles was unreasonable. Another plea on their behalf was that the total ban offended their religion as qurbani (sacrifice) at the time of BakrI’d or Id festival is enjoined and sanctioned by Islam. However, the High Court rejected the challenge on both the grounds. Appeal against this decision of the High Court was dismissed by a 5-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court. As the bulls and bullocks up to the age of 16 years continued to be useful, the prescription of the age of 16 years up to which they could not be slaughtered was held to be a reasonable restriction, keeping in mind the balance which has to be struck between public interest which requires useful animals to be preserved, and permitting the said petitioners to carry on their trade and profession. It was held that the test of reasonableness of the restriction on the fundamental right guaranteed by Article 19(1)(g) was satisfied.
In the case of Hashmattullah v. State of M.P., (1996) 4 SCC 391, a total ban on the slaughter of bulls and bullocks in the State of Madhya Pradesh imposed in the M.P. Krishik Pashu Parirakshan (Sanshodhan) Adhiniyam, 1991, was challenged. A 3-judge bench of the Supreme Court struck down the said amending Act as being ultra vires the Constitution.
In State of W.B. v. Ashutosh Lahiri, (1995) 1 SCC 189, an important decision was rendered by a 3-judge bench of the Supreme Court. It was contended that the State of West Bengal had wrongly invoked Section 12 of the West Bengal Animal Slaughter Control Act, 1950, when it exempted from the operation of the Act, the slaughter of healthy cows on the occasion of BakrI’d on the ground that such exemption was required to be given for the religious purpose of Muslim community. The power to grant such an exemption was challenged. The Calcutta High Court held that such slaughter of cows by members of Muslim community on BakrI’d day was not a requirement of Muslim religion and, therefore, such exemption was outside the scope of Section 12 of the Act. Consequently, the impugned order was held to be dehors the statute. Thus, the High Court struck down the power of the State Government to grant such an exemption. There was a total ban imposed on the slaughter of healthy cows and other animals mentioned in the Schedule under Section 2 of the Act. The State of West Bengal appealed against this order of the High Court. In appeal, the Supreme Court held that it was a settled legal position that there was no fundamental right of Muslims to insist on slaughter of healthy cows on the occasion of BakrI’d. The contention that not only an essential religious practice under Article 25(1) of the Constitution, but even optional religious practice could be permitted, was discarded by the Supreme Court. By upholding the view taken by the High Court, the Supreme Court held as under (para 9 of SCC):
“We, therefore, entirely concur with the view of the High Court that slaughtering of healthy cows on BakrI’d is not essential or required for religious purpose of Muslims or in other words it is not a part of religious requirement for a Muslim that a cow must be necessarily sacrificed for earning religious merit on BakrI’d.”
The case of State of Gujarat v. Mirzapur Moti Kureshi Kassab Jamat, (2005) 8 SCC 534, is the most important judgment on the issue of banning of cow slaughter. This case was decided by a 7-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court, which is the largest bench so far on this issue. The majority decision in this case was delivered by 6 judges (written by Chief Justice R.C. Lahoti) and a minority decision was delivered by a single judge (Justice A.K. Mathur). The issue in this case related to Section 2 of the Bombay Animal Preservation (Gujarat Amendment) Act, 1994, which had introduced certain amendments in Section 5 of the Bombay Animal Preservation Act, 1954 (as applicable to the State of Gujarat).
The effect of the aforesaid amendment was that the slaughter of bull or bullock of any age whatsoever was completely banned (previously, the ban was only on the slaughter of bulls and bullocks below the age of 16 years), which was under challenge in this case. The complete ban on the slaughter of cows was already there in the Act and that was not under challenge in this case.
The Statement of Objects and Reasons of the said Amendment Act are important and its relevant extract are reproduced below:
“The existing provisions of the Bombay Animal Preservation Act, 1954 provides for prohibition against the slaughter of cow, calf of a cow, and the bulls and bullocks below the age of sixteen years. It is an established fact that the cow and her progeny sustain the health of the nation by giving them the life-giving milk which is so essential an item in a scientifically balanced diet.
The economy of the State of Gujarat is still predominantly agricultural. In the agricultural sector, use of animals for milch, draught, breeding or agricultural purposes has great importance. It has, therefore, become necessary to emphasise preservation and protection of agricultural animals like bulls and bullocks. With the growing adoption of non-conventional energy sources like biogas plants, even waste material has come to assume considerable value. After the cattle cease to breed or are too old to do work, they still continue to give dung for fuel, manure and biogas, and therefore, they cannot be said to be useless. It is well established that the backbone of Indian agriculture is, in a manner of speaking, the cow and her progeny and have on their back, the whole structure of the Indian agriculture and its economic system.
In order to give effect to the policy of the State towards securing the principles laid down in Articles 47, 48 and clauses (b) and (c) of Article 39 of the Constitution, it was considered necessary also to impose total prohibition against slaughter of progeny of cow.
*** *** ***.”
Likewise, the Preamble to the above Amendment Act is also of significance and is reproduced below:
“WHEREAS it is established that cow and her progeny sustain the health of the nation by giving them the life-giving milk which is so essential an item in a scientifically balanced diet;
AND WHEREAS the working bullocks are indispensable for our agriculture for they supply power more than any other animal;
AND WHEREAS the working bullocks are often useful in ploughing the fields, drawal of water from the wells and also very useful for drawing carts for transporting grain and fodder from the fields to the residences of farmers as well as to the agricultural market yards;
AND WHEREAS the dung of the animal is cheaper than the artificial manures and extremely useful for production of biogas;
AND WHEREAS it is established that the backbone of Indian agriculture is, in a manner of speaking, the cow and her progeny and have, on their back, the whole structure of the Indian agriculture and its economic system;
AND WHEREAS it is expedient to give effect to the policy of the State towards securing the principles laid down in Articles 47, 48 and in clauses (b) and (c) of Article 39 of the Constitution and to protect, preserve and sustain cow and its progeny;”
This Amendment Act was challenged before the Gujarat High Court and it had been struck down as ultra vires the Constitution by the High Court. This order of the High Court was under challenge before the above 7-judge bench of the Supreme Court.
The Supreme Court, by a detailed judgment examining all relevant issues and reviewing all previous judgments, by a majority decision of 6-1, set aside the aforesaid order of the Gujarat High Court and upheld the constitutional validity of the Bombay Animal Preservation (Gujarat Amendment) Act, 1994, which had introduced the aforesaid amendments in Section 5 of the Bombay Animal Preservation Act, 1954 (as applicable to the State of Gujarat) as per which even the slaughter of bulls and bullocks of any age whatsoever was completely banned in addition to the complete ban of the slaughter of cows.
It is pertinent to note that this 7-judge decision of the Supreme Court reversed / overruled the earlier 5-judge bench decisions in the aforesaid cases of Mohd. Hanif Quareshi v. State of Bihar, 1959 SCR 629 : AIR 1958 SC 731, and Abdul Hakim Quraishi v. State of Bihar, (1961) 2 SCR 610 : AIR 1961 SC 448 : (1961) 1 Cri LJ 573, etc., to the extent they had ruled that a total ban on slaughter of bulls and bullocks cannot be made on the ground of Article 19(1)(g) read with Article 19(6) of the Constitution.
The 7-judge bench of the Supreme Court held that:
“In the light of the material available in abundance before us, there is no escape from the conclusion that the protection conferred by the impugned enactment on cow progeny is needed in the interest of the nation’s economy. Merely because it may cause “inconvenience” or some “dislocation” to the butchers, restriction imposed by the impugned enactment does not cease to be in the interest of the general public. The former must yield to the latter.”
The Supreme Court repelled all arguments on the grounds of fundamental rights under Article 14, Article 19(1)(g), etc., of the Constitution to challenge the aforesaid total ban on the slaughter of cow and its progeny. The argument based on religion or on fundamental right under Article 25 of the Constitution was not discussed since none of parties tried to build its case on these grounds; however, still the Court took note of the above-mentioned observations of the 3-judge bench of the Supreme Court in the case ofState of W.B. v. Ashutosh Lahiri, (1995) 1 SCC 189, to the effect that “slaughtering of healthy cows on BakrI’d is not essential or required for religious purpose of Muslims” and the Court also made following observations:
“…Slaughtering of cows on BakrI’d is neither essential to nor necessarily required as part of the religious ceremony. An optional religious practice is not covered by Article 25(1). On the contrary, it is common knowledge that the cow and its progeny i.e. bull, bullocks and calves are worshipped by Hindus on specified days during Diwali and other festivals like Makar Sankranti and Gopashtmi. A good number of temples are to be found where the statue of “Nandi” or “Bull” is regularly worshipped. …”.
Conclusion:
Thus, the aforesaid analysis of the provisions of the Constitution and various judgments of the Supreme Court, unequivocally shows that even a total ban on the slaughter of cow and its progeny is absolutely constitutional. A total ban on slaughter of cow and its progeny is fully permissible under the Constitution of India. Moreover, as mentioned above, many States / UTs in India have already banned cow slaughter either totally or partially; and such ban has been upheld by the courts. So, Maharashtra is not the first or the only State to ban slaughter of cow and its progeny.
Thus, there does not appear to be anything illegal or unconstitutional in the Maharashtra Animal Preservation (Amendment) Bill, 1995, which has been assented to by the President of India, and which has now become a law of the land for the State of Maharashtra.
As mentioned above, I have confined my analysis only to the legal issues and I have preferred not to reply to the religious issues. If need be, at a later stage, I may reply to those other issues as well, which I don’t think to be necessary at this stage. At this stage, it suffices to say that the constitutionality of the laws banning slaughter of cow and its progeny has been upheld by the Supreme Court on secular grounds on the basis of the provisions existing in the Constitution. Therefore, my humble request is to everybody to desist from making hate speeches on religious grounds on this issue.
by
k.jagadeesh